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# No Wheel but a Dial: Why and How Passengers in Self-Driving Cars Should Decide How Their Car Drives

**Authors:** Johannes Himmelreich  
**Published in:** Ethics and Information Technology 24(4), 2022  
**DOI:** [10.1007/s10676-022-09668-5](https://doi.org/10.1007/s10676-022-09668-5)  

*This is the author's manuscript. Please cite the published version.*

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**Johannes Himmelreich**

*Abstract*

Much of the debate on the ethics of self-driving cars has revolved around trolley scenarios. This paper instead takes up the political or institutional question of who should decide how a self-driving car drives. Specifically, this paper is on the question of whether and why passengers should be able to control how their car drives. The paper reviews existing arguments – those for passenger ethics settings and for mandatory ethics settings respectively – and argues that they fail. Although the arguments are not successful, they serve as the basis to formulate desiderata that any approach to regulating the driving behavior of self-driving cars ought to fulfill. The paper then proposes one way of designing passenger ethics settings that meets these desiderata.

# Introduction

Self-driving cars are not a hypothetical technology.[^1] Even as entrepreneurial enthusiasm has receded, ethical alarmism subsided and the sense of social urgency waned, it still seems reasonable to expect that self-driving cars will replace today’s cars over the coming decades. They might be introduced at first only in certain regions, they might be restricted to components of the traffic system, they may have mandatory safety drivers (either in the car or remotely) or be subject to speed limits. But whatever the timing and manner of their introduction, ethical questions around the design, driving behavior and the social implications of self-driving cars arise now (Millar 2017; Milakis, Arem, and Wee 2017; Nyholm and Smids forthcoming; Keeling et al. 2019).

The issue that arguably has gotten the most attention is the question of how self-driving cars should be programmed to behave in trolley scenarios (Nyholm 2018). But, of course, the ethics of self-driving cars is much broader; and even when it comes to the distribution of risks and harms, attention should not be restricted to trolley-like scenarios (Goodall 2014; 2016; 2017; Mladenovic and McPherson 2016; Nyholm and Smids 2016; JafariNaimi 2017; Himmelreich 2018; Epting 2019; Dietrich and Weisswange 2019; Nunes 2019; Cunneen et al. 2020; Gogoll and Müller 2017, 694).[^2] Specifically, at the center are now questions of justice, power and the normative assessment of institutions and policies tracking a similar development in the literature on the ethics of artificial intelligence (Crawford and Calo 2016; Mladenovic and McPherson 2016; Borenstein, Herkert, and Miller 2017; Rahwan 2018; Susskind 2018; Nunes 2019; Zimmermann, Di Rosa, and Kim 2020). This paper is part of this development.

This paper is on the political-institutional question: Who should decide how self-driving cars are programmed? Today decisions about how a car drives are in the hands of drivers. But self-driving cars, of course, need no driver. Why, if at all, should passengers be let to decide how their car drives? How, anyway, should we think about the kinds of decisions that need to be made when driving? In what way, if any, do these decisions have any relevance for political philosophy? These are questions that I aim to address with this paper.

In this paper, I argue that passengers should be able to decide how a self-driving car drives. I argue in favor of personal ethics settings (PES) and against mandatory ethics settings (MES).[^3] Where today cars have a wheel, tomorrow they should have a dial.

Some have argued in favor of PES before (Millar 2014b; Bonnefon, Shariff, and Rahwan 2016; Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor 2017; Awad et al. 2020; Soltanzadeh, Galliott, and Jevglevskaja forthcoming). Others have argued against PES (Lin 2014; Gogoll and Müller 2017; Dietrich and Weisswange 2019). Interestingly, the arguments often start with the same assumptions but come to opposite conclusions. I begin by reconstructing and reviewing in detail many of these arguments and argue that they fail to establish their respective conclusions.[^4] Nevertheless, they get at something important, which I formulate as desiderata. In this sense, the review of the arguments is constructive. In light of these desiderata, I then put forward a proposal on how passengers should be able to make settings that affect driving style and macro path planning.

The paper has three parts. First, I review arguments *in favor* of PES and identify their shortcomings. Second, I discuss arguments *against* PES and formulate objections. Because such a review has not been done before, and because the literature on this topic may lack some cohesion as a result, in addition to providing us with desiderata, conducting this critical review itself is a main aim of this paper. Third, I outline my proposal, illustrate how it goes beyond existing proposals and consider objections.

In addition to this being the first systematic and critical review of arguments on the question of who should decide how a self-driving car drives, this paper contributes to the existing literature in two ways. First, I propose a novel parameter space for PES. Existing proposals suggest that passengers should be able to choose how egoistically or altruistically they want their car to drive (Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor 2017). I propose a further dimension that can help thinking about the ethical relevance of decision that need to be made on the road. Second, I develop a hands-on proposal that includes a new way of limiting the extent of PES as well as a signaling functionality by which a car should indicate to outsiders the setting that its passengers have chosen.

This paper — as the literature overall — proceeds as if the behavior of self-driving cars can be manipulated directly though policies such as “don’t pass the cyclist unless there are at least 3 feet of lateral distance”. Some reject this basic assumption. Some maintain instead that the behavior of self-driving cars can only be manipulated *indirectly* by changing the machine learning (ML) training regime (Basl and Behrends 2020). Thus, the relevant challenge is how to achieve the behavior via changes in the training regime. The existing literature, hence, seems to ignore the realities of the core technologies that drives self-driving cars — or so a skeptic may argue.[^5]

This skeptic is mistaken; for three reasons. First, her challenge about “realities of the core technologies” may turn out to be ill-informed about the realities of the core technologies. Self-driving cars likely use a mix of technologies. Whereas ML is central to perception, unlike what the skeptic assumes, driving logic and actuation may use methods that allow for a direct manipulation of the car’s behavior. Second, *if* the current technologies allowed only for indirect behavior manipulation, these technologies might (have to) change. Perhaps the core technologies *should* be such that they do allow to control the car’s behavior directly. That technological choices constrain the ethics of a system, and that hence those choices are subject to an ethical evaluation, is a well-known fact in the value-alignment literature (cf. Gabriel 2020), of which the debate on the ethics of self-driving cars can be seen as a part. Third, even if the skeptic were correct that the core technologies necessarily only allow to manipulate the behavior of self-driving cars indirectly, the question of how cars *should* behave (and who should decide how cars should behave) — the topic of this paper — needs to be answered before we can turn to the question of how to achieve a certain desired behavior via a training regime.

With this fundamental methodological challenge out of the way, let us investigate arguments over how the behavior of self-driving cars should be governed.

# Arguments in Favor of Passenger Ethics Settings

What speaks in favor of PES? The current literature contains broadly two arguments in favor of PES – which I call the autonomy argument and the social dilemma argument – but each falls short in some way, or so I argue.

## Autonomy and the Moral Proxy Argument

A first argument for PES rests on the idea that PES are an expression of an individual’s autonomy. The argument comes in two forms. I call one the *autonomy argument* and the other the *moral proxy argument* (Millar 2014a; 2015). Both rest on the same idea and both face a similar problem.

The autonomy argument is prominent within the emerging movement for the right to drive (Roy 2018; O’Connor 2019). This argument makes a direct inference from the value of autonomy to PES (Soltanzadeh, Galliott, and Jevglevskaja forthcoming). The idea is, very simply, that autonomy is valuable, that we should adopt a policy which promotes autonomy (all other things being equal) and that, because PES promote autonomy, we should adopt PES.

The moral proxy argument, by contrast, is an indirect inference and argues by analogy (Millar 2014a; 2014b). The analogy is that decisions that engineers make about how to build self-driving cars are similar to decisions that doctors and patient’s proxies make about what treatments to administer. Passengers have cars as moral proxies just as patients may have family members as proxy decision-makers. And just as your proxy in a hospital should act with your interest in mind, so your car should drive in a way that furthers your interests. This is the moral proxy argument for self-driving cars.

The moral proxy argument teaches an important lesson to engineers in that it challenges them to conceive of their role as analogous to that of medical professionals. Just as doctors must adhere to a professional ethics that binds them to the good of their patients, so engineers must be clear about their professional ethics and be bound to the good of their products’ users. This part of the argument – about the obligations of developers, individually or collectively – strikes me as laudable. But the part of the argument having to do with PES is less compelling.

Unlike what the moral proxy argument assumes, things are not analogous. Unlike in the medial context, individual decisions in traffic have significant negative external effects. Whether I should receive a certain type of pacemaker in the case of a cardiac emergency – a central example used by Millar (2014a) – leaves the health of others virtually unaffected. The decision of how to drive, by contrast, especially in hazardous scenarios and dilemma situations, is a decision about the health of others just as much as it is a decision about my own health. Although the overall message of the moral proxy argument might be correct, the argument falls short in its analysis of the situation – and in establishing the conclusion that we have even *pro tanto* reasons in favor of PES.

Put differently, PES promote the autonomy of some to the detriment of others. Outsiders – pedestrians, cyclists and other vulnerable traffic participants – do not get a say in how PES are used all the while PES might be used in a way that sets back these outsiders’ autonomy. Driving takes place in a public space and hence must heed to (shared) public concerns. Often, for that reason, decisions of public concern are made collectively and behavior in such public spaces is restricted. That is, we use our collective autonomy to legislate or govern in public spaces where issues of shared public concern are at stake.

Proponents of the autonomy and moral proxy argument recognize this challenge. They argue that “there are some obvious limits to the kinds of ethics settings we should allow in our robot cars” and that PES should therefore cover only strict subset of the overall parameter space (Millar 2014b; 2017; Etzioni and Etzioni 2017; Soltanzadeh, Galliott, and Jevglevskaja forthcoming, n. 5).[^6]

Nevertheless, even with limits, the problem of external effects remains. Having PES that are merely bounded, arguably, might not go far enough. The range of choices even within bounded PES still sets back the autonomy of outsiders. If a passenger decides to let his car drive somewhat more aggressively, then this will likely put cyclists who share the road at a greater risk of accidents. Even a small encroachment on someone’s normative autonomy, such as a violation of their rights, still stands in need of justification and referring to the furthering of someone else’s autonomy just will not do.

Traffic is replete with situations that have external effects in which decisions affect everyone. Many individuals’ interests and autonomy hence conflict with the interests and the autonomy of others. Traffic has all the features of the kind of situations that we subject to collective decision making for this reason. The best way to further individual autonomy in traffic might be to decide collectively about what driving is acceptable, now that self-driving cars make it possible to do so even in small ways. So, instead of an argument in favor, we seem to have an argument against PES.

Nevertheless, the argument gets at something important. Considerations of autonomy should play a central role in the normative assessment of different policy proposals at least as an injunction guarding against paternalistic intervention but moreover as an expression of a commitment to liberties. A desideratum for *respect for autonomy* hence puts the thumb in the scale as one dimension and desideratum under which policy proposals generally ought to be assessed. The central challenge is to think of a justifiable mechanism that appropriately balances the autonomy of passengers and outsiders.

## Social Dilemma Argument

The moral proxy argument for PES is broadly deontological. A different argument in favor of PES that is more consequentialist in spirit is what I call the *social dilemma argument*.[^7] The social dilemma argument rests chiefly on the claim that PES are necessary in order to enable or further the adoption of self-driving cars (Bonnefon, Shariff, and Rahwan 2016; Shariff, Bonnefon, and Rahwan 2017; Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor 2017, 367; Awad et al. 2020). The idea behind this claim is that if people are unable to set parameters of their car’s driving style, then they will not, or will be unlikely to, buy or use self-driving cars. Or in other words: An “Ethical Knob may improve users’ acceptance of AVs” (Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor 2017, 377).[^8] Without PES, self-driving cars would be a technology with high promise but low uptake. But because policymakers and manufacturers ought to do what is necessary to reap the benefits that self-driving cars promise, they ought to regulate or design for PES.[^9]

This argument should resonate well with anyone who is familiar with non-cooperative game theory. Suppose everyone has a choice between two kinds of cars. The first kind of car maximizes everyone’s welfare. Call this a *utilitarian car*. When the welfare interests of outsiders and passengers conflict, a utilitarian car always acts so as to harm its passengers if the aggregate harm to outsiders is greater. This might often be the case assuming that the number of outsiders tends to be greater than the number of passengers and the potential harms to outsiders tend to be greater than the potential harms to passengers. The second kind of car, by contrast, strictly prioritizes the welfare of its passengers. Call this an *egoistic car*. When the welfare interests of outsiders and passengers conflict, the egoistic car will always act as to harm outsiders.[^10] This choice situation for consumers seems to resemble the prisoners’ dilemma game (PD).[^11]

A crucial moment in this argument is a strategic consideration. The argument anticipates the behavior of consumers – will they buy or use self-driving cars? – in a way that assumes them to be rational, self-interested and highly concerned with safety. Incorporating strategic considerations is a theoretical virtue in discussions of applied political philosophy. I moreover agree with the conclusion in favor of PES. But the social dilemma argument has two problems and fails to establish this conclusion.

The first problem is that the argument presents false alternatives. The argument assumes that consumers have a choice either between a self-driving car with utilitarian MES on the one hand, or a self-driving car with PES on the other hand (or a car they drive themselves). But manually driven cars could be gradually outlawed and phased out; and cars with PES could be unlawful before they are even introduced (cf. Gogoll and Müller 2017). Proponents of the social dilemma argument might respond that making MES mandatory is not politically feasible. But, at least on some analyses of political feasibility, MES seem feasible (cf. Lawford‐Smith 2013). At any rate, it is easy to be a skeptic about modal epistemology and we should not let this skepticism detain the argument.

But even if we instead restrict our attention to proposals that are uncontroversially politically feasible, the social dilemma argument fails to consider how incentives can be changed. Policymakers can use tax-breaks, grants, subsidies, advertising, education or outright bans to only name a few (cf. Cohen and Cavoli 2019). In this way, policymakers could encourage the use of self-driving cars with utilitarian MES. After all, if the social dilemma is just an instance of a prisoners’ dilemma, then this –essentially a collective action problem – is precisely the kind of conflict that policymakers regularly face.[^12] Market failures and free-riding problems result from the same conflict between individual rationality (incentives) and collective rationality (welfare) that we see in the social dilemma. The alternatives are hence not only a choice between self-driving cars with MES and PES or manually driven cars, but also whether policymakers should affect incentives with the tools traditionally at their disposal.

The second problem of the social dilemma argument is that the argument fails to establish its conclusion on its own terms. Consumers might in fact decide to use self-driving cars. Consumers make purchasing decisions based on several factors, of which maximizing passenger safety is not the only one. Often, in fact, safety is certainly not very high on the list of considerations that drive car purchasing decisions. For starters, a self-driving car can have expressive value. It can be a means of virtue signaling (Shariff, Bonnefon, and Rahwan 2017, 695), and it can be a status symbol. Furthermore, a self-driving car offers greater convenience that many consumers may appreciate even if it came at the expense of a (slightly) greater risk to themselves. In fact, perceived usefulness seems to be one driver of intentions to use self-driving cars (Choi and Ji 2015). Moreover, consumers presumably care about operating costs of their cars. Because self-driving cars are safer overall, the insurance premium for self-driving cars might be lower than that for manually driven cars. A lower insurance premium might hence be another reason to get a self-driving car with utilitarian MES, even if this car made passengers less safe than they would be in a car with PES. Finally, some people are just not able to use manually driven cars. Consider the young, some elderly or anyone with severe motor or visual impairments. A self-driving car, even with utilitarian MES, is often the only option for them to use individualized transportation on their own.

In short, contrary to what the social dilemma argument suggests, self-driving cars, even if they have utilitarian MES, will likely find a significant market. The social dilemma argument assumes that consumers buy cars almost exclusively based on considerations of safety. Instead, status-symbolism, convenience, operating costs, or inability to use manually driven cars are factors that will likely help self-driving cars with utilitarian MES find a market.

Even if safety is what consumers cared about most in self-driving cars, the social dilemma argument still makes another implausible assumption. The social dilemma argument assumes that a utilitarian self-driving car would be less safe for a passenger than the alternatives. But it is well known that humans are not actually very safe drivers. So, a utilitarian car would be safer for occupants than them driving themselves. And if consumers find themselves often enough as outsiders facing others’ egoistic self-driving cars, it might also be safer for them to prefer utilitarian cars.

Although the argument fails, it again gets at something important, which can be put in the form of a desideratum that I call *safety despite strategy*. This desideratum has it that benefits associated with self-driving cars should be attained also under strategic behavior. More specifically, a policy should be designed such that under reasonable expectations subjects can have self-interested reasons for abiding by the policy.

# Arguments Against Passenger Ethics Settings

Arguments against PES are legion (cf. Lin 2014). I concentrate on what I call the best interest to society argument (Gogoll and Müller 2017).[^13] This argument contends that MES are necessary and sufficient to attain an outcome that is in the best interest of society.[^14]

The best interest argument assumes that traffic situations present a prisoners’ dilemma game.[^15] In a PD, cooperation between players is unlikely to emerge and, if it were to emerge, it would not be stable.[^16] Traffic situations, in virtue of being like a PD, can therefore only be solved through mandatory regulation. In other words, “the only way to achieve the moral equilibrium is state regulation. In particular, the government would need to prescribe a mandatory ethics setting (MES) for automated cars” (Gogoll and Müller 2017, 695). In short, since traffic situations are like a PD, and since a PD requires mandatory regulation to achieve the socially best outcome, MES are required for, and will achieve, the socially best outcome in the context of self-driving cars.

A first thing to note is that, despite arriving at the opposite conclusion, the best interest argument is surprisingly similar to the social dilemma argument. Both arguments turn on strategic considerations. Whereas the social dilemma argument applies strategic considerations to the decision of whether or not to buy or use a self-driving car, the best interest argument applies strategic considerations to decisions of how to behave in hazardous traffic situations.

But the best interest argument has two problems.

First, the assumption that traffic is a PD is not quite correct. What kind of game traffic is, is to some extent a matter of policy. Policymakers can set incentives, thereby change payoffs and transform the game into a different one. That driving is a PD therefore cannot be taken as an exogenous fact.[^17]

Second, unlike what the best interest argument suggests, cooperation might evolve. Although it is true that rational players always defect in a one-shot PD, traffic and driving are not adequately modelled by a one-shot PD. Driving involves many players simultaneously. Hence, traffic might better be modelled as a game with more than two players. Moreover, the game seems to be played iteratively without any discernable or foreseeable end. Even if there is no cooperation in a two-person one-shot PD, cooperation does evolve in variations of iterated PDs, even with many players.

Whether cooperation evolves in the iterated two-player prisoners dilemma depends crucially on the structure of the interaction, the presence of players that initially cooperate, and the memory of players in recognizing others and their behavior (Alexander 2007, chap. 3). Moreover, the celebrated supergame strategy Tit-for-Tat – which starts with cooperation and imitates what an opponent did on a previous move – does remarkably well in the iterative prisoners dilemma (Axelrod 2009).

Seen this way, cooperation could thrive specifically when self-driving cars play the traffic game. Insofar as length of memory of past interactions furthers cooperation, self-driving cars are well-disposed to cooperate because self-driving cars could remember all interactions with other cars and drivers. Moreover, self-driving cars can communicate and share the learnings from past interactions within a cooperating fleet of cars. In addition, cars might share a blacklist of “bad drivers” as a collective defense.

In sum, the best interest argument presents false alternatives. MES are not necessary to attain an outcome that is in the best interest of society. There are other options. First, policymakers can regulate the strategic interaction in traffic such that traffic is not a PD. Second, even if traffic resembles a PD, cooperation can emerge. MES are hence not necessary in order to attain the outcome that is in the best interest of society.

However, although the argument also fails, the discussion offers two important upshots. First, it reiterates the importance of the desideratum that I called “safety despite strategy.” Second, the discussion suggests that problems of strategic interaction in traffic, which may lead to suboptimal overall health outcomes, can be addressed by policy makers or in the design of self-driving cars, a point to which I will return shortly.

# Passenger Ethics Settings: Desiderata, Dimensions and Design

The existing arguments either have an overly narrow purview of autonomy (autonomy and moral proxy argument) or they disagree about the locus and the effects of strategic behavior (social dilemma and interest of society argument). Despite their shortcomings, each argument turns on important considerations and reasons. Autonomy, safety and the effects of strategic behavior matter. This is captured by the desiderata to respect autonomy and to achieve safety despite strategic behavior.

In addition to these two desiderata, a third desideratum is that a policy governing the motion planning of self-driving cars should respond to occupants’ individual preferences, given a reasonable diversity of such preferences. We can call this desideratum *responsiveness to pluralism*. Today, with manually driven cars, driving styles differ, sometimes for good reason. Some might run late for an appointment, some face an emergency, some are just impatient. Such a pluralism of driving styles raises the question: “how should we proceed given widespread normative disagreement about the appropriate ethics setting of autonomous cars?” (Gogoll and Müller 2017, 687).

This catalogue of three desiderata – respect for autonomy, safety despite strategy and responsiveness to pluralism – amounts to a conditional case for PES. Responsiveness to pluralism speaks largely in favor of PES.[^18] It is hard to see how MES would satisfy this desideratum to the same degree. I will argue that PES will meet also the other desiderata. But my case, so far, in favor of PES is conditional. PES meet the desiderata if and only if the specific proposal is designed in such a way as to also respect the autonomy of outsiders and to address the threat of strategic behavior to undermine the safety benefits of self-driving cars. In other words, whether the desiderata can be met depends on how PES are designed.

For the rest of the paper, I defend what such a PES design could look like. I begin with a more general exercise. I first propose a way of thinking about the parameter space from which passengers can adjust their cars driving behavior. I will then illustrate that this parameter space not avoids conflating two distinctions but that such a multi-dimensional parameter space can also be used to limit the extent to which passengers can choose settings via a trade-off that is internal to the way in which these settings are made. Finally, I will address the issue of strategic behavior.

## Dimensions: Mobility–Safety and Self-interest–Other-interest

In the debate around PES it has been suggested that a central underlying normative issue consists in the conflict between self-interest and the interests of others (Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor 2017). Here is an example of self-interest in traffic: In a four-way intersection with all stop signs, you could assertively proceed to cross through the intersection even when it is not yet your turn, knowing that the others will rather yield their right of way than risking a collision. Of course, the same self-interest strategy could be followed by a self-driving car. Just as human drivers might face situations in which the interest of the passenger and the interest of outsiders conflict, so will self-driving cars.[^19]

In addition to this well-known value conflict between self-interest and other-interest, another value conflict that has so far been overlooked in the debate about PES/MES is that between mobility and safety.[^20] Mobility and safety conflict in a variety of driving situations large and small. Consider four examples.

First, a conflict between mobility and safety is evident in unprotected left turns. These maneuvers are relatively risky. Often, instead of making a left turn, an alternative route is available of driving around the block with three right turns.

Second, mobility and safety conflict in overtaking maneuvers, for example, in the decision of whether you should pass a slower car on a two-lane street with oncoming traffic (Sezer 2018), in overtaking maneuvers in urban traffic in cases of occlusion (Bouton et al. 2018; Gerdes, Thornton, and Millar 2019), or in lane-changing maneuvers (Moridpour, Sarvi, and Rose 2010). For example, imagine that on a two-lane street your view of a pedestrian crosswalk is blocked by a parked car. You need to pass the parked car that occludes the view fast enough in order to avoid a collision with oncoming traffic in the other lane. The faster you are willing to pass the parked car, the sooner will you find a gap in the oncoming traffic. But, of course, you would at the same time increase the risk of having to avoid colliding with someone trying to cross the street.

Third, mobility and safety conflict in determining lateral safe passing distances. The width that is effectively available in a lane could be reduced, for example, by construction work or by other traffic participants. Imagine that a car to the left of you drives on the far-right end of its lane. At the same time, your car may have to pass a cyclist that is in the same lane as you on the right ahead of you.[^21] A self-driving car will have to trade-off lateral distances: How close should you get to the car on the left and how much space should you leave to the cyclist on the right? Or should you slow down and not pass the cyclist in your lane?

Finally, mobility and safety conflict in macro path planning, that is, in determining which route to take to a destination (Gerdes, Thornton, and Millar 2019). Suppose you can choose between two routes on your morning commute. One option takes the highway and avoids residential neighborhoods but turns out to be slower. The other option is quicker and takes you through residential areas and passes schools at a time when you know that children will be on their way to school. The first route is safer but takes you longer. The second route is less safe but offers greater mobility in return. Such situations that give rise to a conflict between mobility and safety may arise frequently in planning routes to a destination already today in the routes determined by mapping applications.

This conflict between safety and mobility seems ubiquitous in driving and is not newly introduced with self-driving cars. Yet, self-driving cars make this trade-off more salient and make theorizing this conflict more urgent insofar as engineers or policymakers could now, in principle, regulate in greater detail driving decisions that were impossible to regulate before.

## Design: One Dial not Two

As we have seen in the discussion of the autonomy argument for PES, PES should be limited. That is, not all technically possible driving styles should be on the menu of options from which occupants can choose. Although all authors who defend PES agree that PES should be limited, relatively little attention has been paid to the precise method of how such a limit should be conceptualized and implemented.

Existing proposals consider limiting the parameter only externally. That is, designers or engineers of PES would determine by design a strict subset of the overall parameter space and would then surface this subset of parameters to passengers to choose their personal settings from.

By contrast, I propose internal limits to ethics limitations that are achieved through trade-offs between the different value dimensions. Figuratively, instead of two dials to allow passengers to make the two trade-offs independently of one another, there should only be one dial. This one dial is used to adjust settings on both parameters together – on the mobility–safety and on the self-interest–other interest trade-off. An increase in mobility will lead to an increase in other interest. And inversely, an increase in safety will lead to an increase of self-interest. Figure 1 illustrates this idea.

Figure 1: Occupants use PES by selecting a point on the diagonal line.

The two-dimensions are made dependent on another by reducing the trade-off to one dimension. The argument for this is straight-forward. Allowing passengers to make settings along the two trade-offs independently from one another would patently immoral by any reasonable standard. For example, a passenger could choose greater mobility and also choose greater satisfaction of self-interest (in Figure 1 this setting is represented by the point in the upper right-hand corner). In result, the gains in mobility, which accrue mostly to the passenger, will lead to risks that are, as chosen by the passenger, born by outsiders. In other words, occupants could choose to have others pay the price for their expensive preference. This would violate the desideratum of respect for autonomy – the outsiders’ autonomy in this case.[^22]

One might object that this way of trading-off the two value conflicts faces a problem in practice. In practice, a high mobility setting will have great benefits for the occupants whereas the accompanying high other-interest setting will have only comparatively small benefits to outsiders. This is because the situations in which you can gain mobility are many, whereas situations in which you can respect the interests of outsiders are few.

This objection rests on an empirical assumption, namely, about the asymmetric relative frequencies of situations that allow mobility gains vs. gains in the satisfaction of outsider interests. Of course, this assumption cannot be assessed here. Notice, however, that I have left open the exact “exchange rate” between mobility and other-interest. Depending on the relative frequencies of the situations, this rate of substitution, which is fixed by the design, between the two value conflict pairs can be adjusted. But, moreover, my claim is not that this internal trade-off achieves a moral or welfare equivalence. That is, I do not say the gains achieved by greater consideration of the interests of outsiders is equivalent to the moral or welfare costs associated with the stronger occupant preference for mobility.

Further, one might object that this way of limiting PES is too restrictive. Specifically, it does not make room for altruism. Some passengers might have a preference for safety and also want to have a setting that weights greatly the interest of others (in Figure 1 this setting is represented by the point in the lower left-hand corner).

This objection can be easily accommodated. One option would be a separate altruism option (Gogoll and Müller 2017, 698). Another option would be to change the shape of the curve depicted in Figure 1. The line segment could “bend” towards the lower left corner and would hence “cover” such altruistic preferences.

This proposal, so far, meets the desideratum of responsiveness to pluralism (in virtue of being a PES) and it meets the desiderata of respect for autonomy with a novel way of limiting the parameter space from which passengers can choose driving settings that allows policy makers to balance the autonomy of passengers and outsiders.

## Signaling and strategic considerations

I will now return to the problem of strategic interactions and the desideratum of safety despite strategy. As I alluded to above, policymakers can change the environment in which strategic interactions play out in a way that avoids violating this desideratum. I suggest that signaling functions can be incorporated into PES to this effect.

Suppose you have a self-driving car that has a PES and imagine that a light outside of your car indicates what driving settings you have chosen. The light shines in red if you chose a setting that values mobility highly but not other-interest. By contrast, the light shines in green if you value safety and other-interest highly. Moreover, imagine that your car is also equipped with a transponder that, using vehicle-to-vehicle (V2V) communication, broadcasts an ID of your vehicle and your chosen PES to nearby vehicles. This would allow the cars around you to “recognize” your car and “anticipate” how your car will behave in traffic. In other words, the first device – the light – signals your PES settings in a way easily accessible to humans, the second device – the transponder – signals your PES settings in a way that is easily accessible to other vehicles. Such a light or a transponder, or both, could be mandated by policy.

The effect be of such a light and a transponder would be to increase “cooperation” in traffic. First, the light would lead to greater cooperation insofar as there is social desirability for safety. In other words, individuals tend to want to be seen as cooperative and as caring about the safety of others, especially in context where they can be recognized (i.e. mainly in urban traffic). Second, the transponder would lead to greater cooperation because other cars can anticipate the driving maneuvers, team up with other cooperators, or even penalize defectors (probably mainly on highway traffic).

Technically, such signaling devices change the payoffs of a game. That people want to be seen as cooperators and that non-cooperation can be perfectly detected changes the “calculation” that underwrites how rational individuals chose their driving styles. Hence, this specific proposal of designing PES also meets the condition of the “safety despite strategy” desideratum.

Moreover, this PES design involving signaling devices also meets the respect for autonomy desideratum. One paradigmatic violation of moral autonomy is that agents have relevant information withheld from them. For example, if a doctor does not inform a patient about the lethal condition the patient find themselves in, this violates the patient’s moral autonomy (Arpaly 2004, 120). Likewise, how a car drives that a pedestrian or cyclist may encounter in traffic is relevant information for the pedestrian or cyclist in question. By visually indicating what driving style occupants have chosen, outsiders are provided with information about decisions that others have taken. Assuming that the decisions of driving styles is suitably limited to a set of reasonable driving styles, this achieves a balance of respecting the normative autonomy of occupants as well as outsiders. A PES design proposal such as this one would hence meet all three desiderata and insofar seem like a very attractive answer to the question of who should decide how a self-driving car should drive.

# Conclusion

Much of the debate on the ethics of self-driving cars has concentrated on trolley situations and what would be the right decision for a car or a passenger to take. This paper has instead concentrated on the central normative policy issue of self-driving cars, namely the question: Who should decide how self-driving cars should drive? I have built on existing arguments and a discussion of their shortcomings to make a case in favor of passenger ethics settings.

The existing literature offers two main arguments for PES. One is based on autonomy, the other is based on a social dilemma. The literature also offers one argument for MES based on strategic considerations to favor collective health and safety. All these arguments fail, as I have argued here, but each of them brings out an important consideration which I captured by formulating three desiderata: respect for autonomy, safety despite strategy and responsiveness to pluralism. These desiderata amount to a conditional case in favor of PES. That is, if a specific PES proposal achieves to respect the autonomy of outsiders and if this PES attains safety benefits of self-driving cars despite strategic behavior, then the desiderata speak in favor of this specific PES proposal. I have then sketched what such a specific PES proposal could look like that meets these desiderata.

Although the surface topic here is the public policy of self-driving cars, the issues are not novel. Reflections on personal autonomy in traffic, on how traffic can be conceptualized in game-theoretic terms, when risks of harm can be permissibly imposed, or on design ideas that encourage cooperative behavior in traffic are all issues that could inform a more general ethics of driving. Normally, of course, the policy stakes in such an ethics of driving are low. Not so with self-driving cars. Proposals to regulate who should decide how a self-driving car drives are already being drafted today. As an area of political philosophy, traffic and transportation are only bound to become more relevant.

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[^1]: By “self-driving cars,” “autonomous vehicles” or “automated vehicles” (AV) I understand individually-owned passenger vehicles with automation levels 4 or higher according to the definition developed by the SAE. I concentrate on cars owned by individuals, in contrast to corporate-owned cars.

[^2]: For arguments in favor of the relevance of trolley scenarios, however, see Lin (2017), Keeling (2020) and Awad et al. (2020)

[^3]: The nomenclature is from Gogoll and Müller (2017). The distinction between PES and MES depends on whether a passenger can meaningfully control a vehicle’s driving style and macro path planning. The expression “meaningful control” is central to the ethics of robotics.

[^4]: In addition to arguments that address PES directly, I also review related arguments that can be applied to the issue of PES (Millar 2014a; 2015; Bonnefon, Shariff, and Rahwan 2016).

[^5]: My discussion here is prompted by feedback from a peer-reviewer for a different journal.

[^6]: What these limits should be and what considerations should guide our delineation of limits is often not clear. But see Contissa et al. (2017, 374) and Etzioni and Etzioni (2017).

[^7]: I take the name for this argument from the title of a paper by Bonnefon, Shariff and Rahwan (2016), who present the empirical finding that motivates the argument that I present here. However – to avoid misattribution – the argument I present here is not theirs. The argument is hinted at by Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor (2017, 367) who write that “\[i\]f an impartial (utilitarian) ethical setting is made compulsory for, and rigidly implemented into, all AVs, many people may refuse to use AVs, even though AVs may have significant advantages, in particular with regard to safety, over human- driven vehicles.”

[^8]: Similarly, Ryan (2020) writes: “Very few people would buy \[a self-driving car\] if they prioritised the lives of others over the vehicle’s driver and passengers.”

[^9]: The social dilemma argument is motivated by an empirical finding. Although a majority of people agree that a driving style that maximizes overall welfare or health in a population is the preferable driving style from a moral point of view, a majority of people would not actually want to use or buy a vehicle that drives in this way (Bonnefon, Shariff, and Rahwan 2016). This is the social dilemma.

[^10]: What I describe is only an extreme version of an egoistic car. In fact, as has been argued, there could be a continuum (Contissa, Lagioia, and Sartor 2017).

[^11]: A prisoners dilemma is a two-person symmetric game with two pure strategies, “cooperate” and “defect”, in which the payoffs of the four different outcomes satisfy the condition T \> R \> P \> S, that is, *t*emptation to defect against a cooperator has a strictly greater payoff than *r*eward of mutual cooperation, *p*unishment for mutual defection, and the so-called *s*ucker payoff for cooperating with a defector.

[^12]: This is acknowledged by some (Bonnefon, Shariff, and Rahwan 2016).

[^13]: I concentrate on this argument because it is a recent and the best developed one.

[^14]: By “best interest of society” the authors mean that traffic injuries and fatalities are minimized in a given population.

[^15]: This differs from the social dilemma argument which assumed that purchasing decisions are a PD instead of traffic being a PD.

[^16]: I write “emerge” to indicate that the game is played repeatedly. Even if players will not cooperate in one-shot games, the prospects for achieving widespread cooperation look much better when PD is played repeatedly.

[^17]: It could be said that the game embedded in other games in the political structure.

[^18]: Of course, also MES could incorporate a concern for pluralism. But, arguably, PES are more responsive to occupants’ preferences. On PES, the average distance between behavior and preference will likely be narrower than on MES.

[^19]: Another illustration of this conflict between others’ interest and your interest is, of course, in trolley cases and collision scenarios such as in the Tunnel Problem where a car needs to choose between running over a pedestrian or running the car into the wall of a tunnel (Millar 2014a).

[^20]: By “mobility” I understand the time required to get to a destination. By “safety” I understand the absence of risk, defined as a function of the probability of a hazardous event and the harm to the occupants and others. It should be noted that I understand both “mobility” and “safety” impartially as everyone’s mobility and safety and not just those of vehicle occupants.

[^21]: Assume also that this situation occurs in a location that does not prescribe a minimum lateral distance for safe passing.

[^22]: Of course, the details of this would have to be worked out by operationalizing these value conflicts and by studying the user interaction design (cf. Thornton et al. 2019).
